By Briony Towers
(University of Tasmania), a PhD student with Bushfire CRC Program
C
School-based bushfire education is one way of
increasing bushfire awareness and preparedness in vulnerable
communities. This research aims to develop a child
focussed model of bushfire risk perception that fire agencies and
educators can use to develop more effective education
programs.
For the project 250 children aged between five and 17
were interviewed in same-age focus groups at schools across
Victoria and Tasmania. To investigate the influence of the
family on children’s perceptions and vice versa,
approximately 70 parents were interviewed.
Whilst analysis of the interviews is ongoing, several
important themes have emerged, each of which have important
implications for school based bushfire education. These themes
centre around two major categories:
- the factors children use to assess the risk for their
home before a bushfire occurs, and;
- children’s ideas about emergency response, in
particular, the decision to stay or go.
Factors used to assess
risk
Children focus on a variety of factors to assess the level
bushfire risk for their home. The types of risk factors they
identify can be divided into two main categories. The first
category encompasses factors that are perceived to intensify a
property’s physical exposure to bushfires. These factors
include combustible materials and objects around the house such as
leaves, long dry grass, woodpiles, and wooden furniture. Children
as young as five identify these things as hazards that would
increase the likelihood of the fire spreading to the house and
exposing it to heat and flames:
L: The grass. It can catch
on fire easily… And the flowers, they could catch on
fire easily
M: And they’re near
the house and they burn on the house
L: And the big log.
It’s made out of wood and it could go across the grass to
the house
6 year olds, Warrandyte
Children living in wooden houses think the only way to
prepare is to knock the house down and rebuild it in
brick:
D: You could turn your
house, instead of it being wood you can change it to be brick so
that the fire can’t get in... Because it can’t burn
through brick
8 years, Warrandyte
The perception that wooden houses are not defendable is
contrary to expert opinion and is problematic because it may thwart
the consideration and adoption of simple and achievable measures
that can be undertaken to reduce bushfire losses.
The second major category of factors can be described as
features that protect a house or property from exposure to the fire
front. For example roads, brick walls, rivers, and swimming pools
are all perceived as providing protection because they would
prevent a fire from reaching the house:
M: Well near my house like
about not that far away there’s sort of a small river going
past and it would probably stop there if it came from that
way.
11 Years, Warrandyte
The idea that a fire will stop on the other side of a
river or brick wall reflects a belief that fire only travels along
the ground and, once again, a naivety of the role of ember attack
in the spread of fire and the ignition of homes.
A major protective factor identified by children is a
brick house. Whereas wooden houses are perceived as being most
susceptible to ignition and destruction, brick houses are perceived
as providing the most protection and being the most resistant to
flames and heat. On this topic children’s views are clear
– wooden houses burn, brick houses don’t:
B: And what would happen if
a bushfire came near this house?
D: It would burn
down
S: Yeah everything around
there would burn
J: But except the house
because the house is made of bricks
9 years, Warrandyte
Children’s singular focus on building materials when
predicting the consequences for a house, again, reflects a naivety
about how houses actually burn down in bushfires and the factors
that contribute to this. They perceive bricks as providing a
physical barrier that the fire will not be able to
penetrate.
What is clear from this examination of children’s
perceptions of risk factors is that they focus on significant,
tangible, and concrete processes such as burning trees falling on
houses, fires stopping at rivers, and flames burning through wooden
houses. This reflects a lower level of causal thinking about
bushfire consequences and serves to illustrate that education
programs cannot assume that children think about bushfire risk in
the same way as adults.
Emergency
response
In responding to a bushfire emergency, children see
themselves as having two main options. The first and most popular
option is to get out of the house as quickly as possible and meet
the family at the letterbox or the ‘meeting place’. To
ensure this wasn’t a problem of semantics and that they were
hearing the word ‘bushfire’, children were asked to
verify whether this course of action was appropriate for a bushfire
or a housefire:
K: When we see a fire we all
run out to the letterbox
L: Mine’s the same
that you have to go out to the letterbox
B: So are those plans for a
bushfire or a housefire?
L: Both
K: I would say
both.
10 years, Warrandyte
This lack of differentiation between emergency response
for bushfire and housefire is pervasive amongst primary school
children and might be attributed to the emphasis placed on
housefire in the school based education programs currently
delivered by Victorian and Tasmanian fire services.
Children’s application of what they have learned
about housefire safety to a bushfire scenario is a good example of
how, in the absence of other information, children will make use of
the information they already have to solve a problem.
The other course of action identified by children is to
stay and fight the fire:
Te: I’d stay because
we believe that we can save the house
T: Yeah, I wouldn’t
run away. I wouldn’t run away
9 years, Warrandyte
These children, in discussing their approach to protecting
the house reveal some valuable insights into how children perceive
bushfire risk. In children’s dialogue, there is an emphasis
on stopping the fire from actually reaching the house. Building
brick barricades, keeping the yard wet, and throwing water at the
fire are all strategies aimed at putting the fire out or stopping
it before it reaches the house. They are not preparing the house to
withstand the heat and flames of the fire front as it passes over,
as is the expert approach to stay and defend, rather their goal is
to stop the fire from going past the house:
K: Um, well I’ve got a
lot of dirt around my house so I can throw lots of dirt
on the fire to make it stop and it will.
7 Years, Warrandyte
If they can’t put the fire out before it reaches the
house, then they will leave:
I: We would stay home...and
my dad’s going to have a fire extinguisher and try and put
out the fire and we would have buckets all around the house and if
it got really bad we’d go to our cousins house.
B: What would really bad
look like?
I: That far away from our
house [30cm]
8 years, Warrandyte
Fleeing the fire at the last minute makes sense when we
consider the children’s understanding of what happens as the
fire moves past the house. For nearly all children, it is
inevitable that the house will be destroyed. When discussing the
consequences for a house as a fire passes over, all of their
previously stated ideas about brick houses with no trees being safe
become redundant. For them, there is nothing that can be done to
protect a house in the path of a bushfire:
B: How would your [brick]
house burn down?
R: Well the fire is powerful
enough to absorb through the walls....and the
fires gonna be more powerfuller and burn the house
down
7 Years, Warrandyte
To stay in the house as the fire passes over would mean
getting trapped and killed. Children would prefer to jump in the
pool or the water tank, get on the roof or try to run than seek
shelter in the house:
B: Now the fire is at the
back fence.
H: Well obviously I evacuate
to my neighbours pool
J: But what would you do in
the pool?
G: You’d
hide
10 years, Warrandyte
The role of social context in the development of
bushfire risk perception
Amongst the children interviewed, those with the most
sophisticated risk perceptions are those from families who take
bushfire risk seriously, plan accordingly, and include the children
in the planning process. Thus, for children at the primary school
level the family appears to be the dominant influence.
However, most children select firefighters as the most
credible and reliable sources of information because they have
hands on experience and specialised training. Given the level
of trust children have in firefighters as sources of
reliableinformation, and given the integral role
trust plays in effective risk communication, an increase in
the level bushfire education in primary schools would be a
worthwhile investment of agency resources.
There is also evidence from this study that school based
bushfire education would have benefits beyond the children
themselves. Children exert a powerful influence in their homes and
are capable of persuading their parents to consider and adopt
preparedness measures.
Amongst parents interviewed, a large majority talked about
their children coming home from school after housefire education
and initiating the formulation of housefire escape plans. Parents
noted that due to their responsibilities as parents, they were
unable to ignore or dismiss risk messages that came from their own
children. Using children to disseminate messages about bushfire
risk to their families may be an effective way to get parents to
think more seriously about bushfire risk and the importance of
preparing.
Conclusion
Educating children is a seemingly viable approach to
increasing levels of bushfire awareness and preparedness. However,
children do not necessarily approach the bushfire education
experience with the same set of perceptions or thinking styles as
adults. It seems that teaching children about fire behaviour
– how fires travel and spread, how houses burn down, etc
–would help children to better understand the mechanisms
underlying the consequences of consequences. This would provide a
more robust foundation upon which to build their understanding of
prevention, creating more opportunities for the promotion of
preparedness and emergency planning in bushfire prone
communities.
This research was presented at the Bushfire CRC
International Research Conference, incorporating the Bushfire
CRC/AFAC Annual Conference, in Adelaide last
September.
The research a PhD project for Briony Towers at the
University of Tasmania, with Douglas Paton, University of Tasmania,
and Katharine Haynes, of Risk Frontiers at Macquarie University and
the Centre for Risk and Community Safety, RMIT
University.
(This article first appeared in the Spring 2008/09 issue
of Fire Australia magazine.)